Sunday, July 5, 2015

Fifo in '05: "No one here has become a neo-liberal!"

Up late re-reading the chapter on Cuba's private, home-based "paladar" restaurants from the book "Entrepreneurial Cuba" that I recently published with Arch Ritter, and I came across this GEM from one of Fifo's last marathon speeches on November 17, 2005:

"Referring to U.S. promotion of private enterprise in Cuba, Fidel Castro reminded his listeners that self-employment has no real future in a socialist Cuba. 'The Empire was hoping that Cuba would have many more paladares but it appears that there will be no more of them. What do they think, that we have become neo-liberals? No one here has become a neo-liberal'."

Can someone please tell Raúl?!

Thursday, July 2, 2015

U.S. - #Cuba Negotiations 101: Unit Quiz!

In an historic announcement yesterday, the U.S. and Cuba will indeed reestablish formal diplomatic relations and reopen respective embassies (after 54 years and 6 1/2 months) on July 20, 2015.

Here's the letter that Obama sent to Raúl Castro confirming the opening. Be sure to read the second paragraph about his recognition of the "sovereign equality of States," the "self-determination of peoples," "non-interference in the internal affairs of States," and "respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all" (H/T to Café Fuerte for the document). While this is the standard, boilerplate language for such letters (see Raúl's own letter to Obama here), there's nothing standard about such words in the history of U.S.-Cuban relations, or in the Castro government's relations with its own people, for that matter!  

As a college professor, I wanted to urge the readers of my blog to also read the now essential book, Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana by my colleagues William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh (UNC Press, 2014).

If your time is short, you must at least read the final section of the Obama chapter appropriately (at least until Dec. 17, 2014) entitled, "The More Things Change, the More They Remain the Same" (pp. 399-401) and study the key lessons from more than 50 years of unsuccessful attempts at mutual accommodation (the book was published in October 2014) presented in the book's concluding chapter (pp. 402-417) entitled, "Intimate Adversaries, Possible Friends."

Here's a quick cheat sheet on the book's 10 lessons:
1. There have always been opportunities for dialogue (even under Nixon, Reagan, and W.)
2. Cuban leaders instinctively resist making concessions to U.S. demands.
3. Cuba willing to respond to U.S. concerns, but must come at Havana's own initiative (not as concessions to demands).
4. Small successes don't necessarily lead to big breakthroughs (except, it seems, in the case of Alan Gross and the Cuban 5!)
5. Cuban leaders have difficulty distinguishing between "gestures" and "concessions."
6. Timing is everything.
7. An incremental approach to normalization has not worked.
8. Domestic politics is always an issue (on both sides).
9. Neither side gets that the other has an internal bureaucracy, so misunderstandings abound.
10. Cuba wants to be treated as an equal, with respect for its national sovereignty.

As a way to sum this up, I would add that the gordian knot preventing accommodation between Cuba and the U.S. has consistently been that Cuba's most important demand (#10 above) has been the one thing that the U.S. has been unable or unwilling to do (until now).

I'm greatly looking forward to the forthcoming new edition of the book (scheduled to be released late in the fall of 2015), which promises to have a juicy, behind-the-scenes new chapter filling us in on the secret, "back channel" negotiations that preceded the December 17, 2014 announcement.

Indeed, until that date this single paragraph coming at the end of the Obama chapter (p. 400) - and summing up the then still unfinished Obama administration and its foreign policy legacy - served to remind readers that, at least on the fundamentals of Cuba policy, the policy apple of Obama had not fallen very far from the doctrinal tree of George W. Bush (or that of the 9 other presidents that preceded them):

"Despite being cloaked in the rhetoric of change, however, Obama's approach shared two premises common to U.S. policy since the end of the Cold War:

"(1) Significant progress in bilateral relations would come only if Cuba began to dismantle its political and economic systems, replacing them with a multiparty electoral democracy and a free-market economy [aka, regime change]; and

"(2) Even the smallest U.S. steps toward a reduction in tension would have to be met by reciprocal steps from the Cuban side [aka, reciprocity, carrot/stick, calibrated response approach vs. unilateralism]."

That is, "Under Obama, the goal of U.S. policy was not phrased as confrontationally as it was under George W. Bush, but neither was it fundamentally different."

My belief, and I'm interested to see if the authors share it, is that it is fundamentally different now given the looming reestablishment of diplomatic relations and especially Obama's explicit rejection of a "regime change" agenda at the Summit of the Americas in April.

On the Cuban side, there has often been an insistence that no accommodation was possible unless the U.S. first got rid of the embargo (known as the "embargo first" policy approach). Clearly, the Cubans have not made this approach a "deal-breaker," seeing it now as a necessary part of the path to full "normalization" (known as the "embargo eventually" policy approach).

In that vein, yesterday Obama importantly called on Congress "to take steps to lift the embargo that prevents Americans from traveling or doing business in Cuba."

Now, as an incentive for my readers, as (or even before) you read through Back Channel, see how many of the following questions you can answer - the questions are from my midterm exam given last week in my summer class: "Cuban Culture and Society."

And stay tuned, I will present the answers in a future post!


Cuban Culture and Society – LTS/ANT/SOC 3015
Professor Ted Henken
Summer Session 2015
Baruch College, CUNY

A. Short Answer (50 points): Provide the single word, phrase, or sentence requested.

1. Name the 10 U.S. presidents in office sequentially during the course of the Cuban revolution prior to Obama.

2. How did James Donovan, who negotiated with Fidel Castro in 1962-63, answer the question: "How do porcupines make love?"

3. What was the thing Donovan was in Cuba to negotiate?

4. One lesson from the Back Channel book is that the U.S. and Cuba have often used third countries and third parties to negotiate. What third country was instrumental in their achieving the December 17, 2014 accords?

5. If the Teller Amendment was a promise that the U.S. made itself in 1898 to relinquish control over Cuba to the Cubans, which related amendment was the U.S. betrayal of that promise in 1902?

6. What were the last four words of the speech given by Fidel Castro at his trial for attacking the Moncada Barracks in 1953?

7. What was the date of that attack?

8. Upon Fidel Castro's first trip to the US after the revolution in early 1959, two key, unprecedented things did NOT happen on each side. What were they?

9. During the summer of 1960 the U.S. State Department came out against using what it called "the ultimate weapon" against Castro because it would be counterproductive. "It might cripple the Cuban economy, but it would not dislodge Castro's government. On the contrary, it would "rally Cuban nationalist sentiment around Castro." What was this ultimate weapon (the U.S. did indeed impose it on Cuba that summer)?

10. Who said, "Victory has a thousand fathers, and defeat is an orphan"? And to which defeat was he referring?

11. All throughout the history of negotiations with the U.S., Cuba consistently refused to compromise on one issue. What has it been?

12. Prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990, the U.S. consistently raised two issues with Cuba having to do with its foreign policy. What were these two issues?

13. Taking place in 1965, what was the first formal diplomatic accord negotiated between Washington and Havana since the revolution?

14. Which U.S. Secretary of State instructed his aides in the mid-1970s to deal with Fidel Castro using the following words: “Behave chivalrously; do it like a big guy, not like a shyster. Let him know: We are moving in a new direction; we’d like to synchronize; …steps will be unilateral; reciprocity is necessary”?

15. Which two Cuban foreign policy priorities amounted to insurmountable “obstacles” to reestablishing diplomatic relations with the United States during the Nixon and Ford administrations?

16. Despite Carter’s failure to get Cuba to withdraw troops from Africa, his failure at reestablishing diplomatic relations with Cuba, and the debacle of the Mariel Boat-lift, his administration did achieve a number of significant and lasting milestones in its relations with Cuba. Name one of them.

17. We often remember the Mariel Boat-lift of 1980 when 125,000 Cubans came as refugees to the United States. However, the book explains that this flow was partly the result of another slightly smaller flow in the opposite direction during 1979. What was that flow?

18. As the Cold War came to an end and the Soviet Union disappeared, U.S. goals in Cuba shifted from trying to influence its foreign policy to trying to do what?

19. What U.S. law passed in 1966 gave Cubans physically present in the U.S. the ability to regularize their status, becoming U.S. permanent residents after just one year and one day?

20. Suspected terrorist Luis Posada Carriles was put on trial in El Paso on January 10, 2011. Despite a long career of political violence, Posada Carriles was only tried (and found innocent of) which crime(s)?

21. In 1994, Fidel Castro told a group of former U.S. ambassadors that he needed a two-term president to normalize relations with Cuba. What was his reasoning behind his (accurate) prediction of this fact?

22. The book, Back Channel to Cuba, was published in October 2014. Thus, the authors conclude that, “Under Obama, the goal of U.S. policy was not phrased as confrontationally as it was under George W. Bush, but neither was it fundamentally different.” What key premises did Obama’s supposedly different approach share with both the Democratic and Republican presidents that preceded him since the end of the Cold War?

23. Was the Cuban Communist Party (PCC) created before or after the triumph of the Cuban revolution on January 1, 1959?

24. The Cuban government reports that Internet access on the island between 23-26 percent. Why might this rate of access actually over-represent the actual accessibility to the web on the island?

25. How did President Clinton significantly change U.S. policy toward Cuban immigrants attempting to come by sea between 1994 and 1995?

26. However, in question #25 above why did Clinton’s change in U.S. migration policy NOT amount to a fundamental change in the special treatment Cubans continue to receive?

27. Raúl Castro and Barack Obama sat down in Panama in April 2015 for the first substantive conversation between presidents of their respective nations since 1959. However, they did briefly meet and shake hands in December 2013. What was the occasion/setting of that meeting, and what words were exchanged between them?

28. Armando Chaguaceda describes the promise of broad-based political participation in the Cuban Revolution as “besieged.” In fact, he says that Cuba has “a sea of participation,” but what is the problem with that “sea”?

B. Identification (25 points): Write five separate single paragraphs each of which defining and describing the significance for U.S.-Cuba relations of five of the following fourteen terms.

1. Elián González.                                             8. Brothers to the Rescue. 
2. Actos de repudio / Acts of repudiation.        9. Calibrated response.
3. Radio Martí & La TV que no se ve.    10. Guantánamo Bay Naval Base.
4. Jorge Mas Canosa and the CANF.              11. Wet-foot, dry-foot policy.
5. Jimmy Carter and the Varela Project.         12. Helms-Burton Act.
6. Transition vs. Succession (Cuba 2006).      13. Yoani Sánchez.
7. The Cuban Medical Professional Program. 14. The special period.

C. Essay (25 points): Choose one essay question below and answer it with reference to our readings, making sure to be both descriptive and analytical. Your answer should include as much specific detail as possible, be coherently organized, and be between 4-5 paragraphs in length.

1. Negotiations and Their Lessons: Over the past 55 years of diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Cuban governments, the two countries have been at loggerheads since each side demanded the one thing the other side was most unable or unwilling to concede. What were the demands, priorities, and “non-negotiables” of each side, how did they change over time, and what have been the reasons that a deal has been so elusive? Finally, what are some of the most important “lessons” that our authors (LeoGrande and Kornbluh) draw from the history of U.S.-Cuba negotiations?

2. The Cuban Five and the U.S. War against Terror: On December 17, 2014 the U.S. and Cuban governments announced that they were reestablishing diplomatic relations after 54 years of isolation and mutual antagonism. However, the “trigger” or “hook” that allowed for such a historic accord was the resolution of the cases of the “Cuban Five” and Alan Gross. Briefly describe how the case of the (1) “Cuban Five” is related to the issue of (2) terrorism, the (3) shoot-down of two civilian aircraft piloted by the Brothers to the Rescue, the (4) activities of Luis Posada Carriles, and (5) the 5-year imprisonment of Alan Gross. How did each country differently view these cases? In your answer be sure to make reference to the essay by Saul Landau, “The Cuban Five and the U.S. War against Terror” and the “Clinton” chapter in the LeoGrande and Kornbluh book.

3. Cuban Migration – From Exiles to Immigrants: One issue that repeatedly brought the U.S. and Cuba to the negotiating table was that of international migration. Describe the various waves of Cuban migration to the U.S. over the past half-century. How has each side sought to politicize that migration and why has it come in episodic “waves” and not in a constant flow? What were the specific issues within each wave that forced the two countries to make accords with one another? Finally, how has the motivation and composition of Cuban immigrants changed over time and how might this change contribute to the thaw in bilateral relations we are witnessing today?

Wednesday, July 1, 2015

POTUS on #Cuba

The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
July 01, 2015
Statement by the President on the Re-Establishment of Diplomatic Relations with Cuba

Rose Garden

11:08 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good morning, everybody. Please have a seat.

More than 54 years ago, at the height of the Cold War, the United States closed its embassy in Havana. Today, I can announce that the United States has agreed to formally re-establish diplomatic relations with the Republic of Cuba, and re-open embassies in our respective countries. This is a historic step forward in our efforts to normalize relations with the Cuban government and people, and begin a new chapter with our neighbors in the Americas.

When the United States shuttered our embassy in 1961, I don't think anyone expected that it would be more than half a century before it re-opened. After all, our nations are separated by only 90 miles, and there are deep bonds of family and friendship between our people. But there have been very real, profound differences between our governments, and sometimes we allow ourselves to be trapped by a certain way of doing things.

For the United States, that meant clinging to a policy that was not working. Instead of supporting democracy and opportunity for the Cuban people, our efforts to isolate Cuba despite good intentions increasingly had the opposite effect -– cementing the status quo and isolating the United States from our neighbors in this hemisphere. The progress that we mark today is yet another demonstration that we don't have to be imprisoned by the past. When something isn't working, we can -– and will –- change.

Last December, I announced that the United States and Cuba had decided to take steps to normalize our relationship. As part of that effort, President Raul Castro and I directed our teams to negotiate the re-establishment of embassies. Since then, our State Department has worked hard with their Cuban counterparts to achieve that goal. And later this summer, Secretary Kerry will travel to Havana formally to proudly raise the American flag over our embassy once more.

This is not merely symbolic. With this change, we will be able to substantially increase our contacts with the Cuban people. We'll have more personnel at our embassy. And our diplomats will have the ability to engage more broadly across the island. That will include the Cuban government, civil society, and ordinary Cubans who are reaching for a better life.

On issues of common interest –- like counterterrorism, disaster response, and development -– we will find new ways to cooperate with Cuba. And I've been clear that we will also continue to have some very serious differences. That will include America's enduring support for universal values, like freedom of speech and assembly, and the ability to access information. And we will not hesitate to speak out when we see actions that contradict those values.

However, I strongly believe that the best way for America to support our values is through engagement. That's why we've already taken steps to allow for greater travel, people-to-people and commercial ties between the United States and Cuba. And we will continue to do so going forward.

Since December, we've already seen enormous enthusiasm for this new approach. Leaders across the Americas have expressed support for our change in policy; you heard that expressed by President Dilma Rousseff of Brazil yesterday. Public opinion surveys in both our countries show broad support for this engagement. One Cuban said, "I have prepared for this all my life." Another said that that, "this is like a shot of oxygen." One Cuban teacher put it simply: "We are neighbors. Now we can be friends."

Here in the United States, we've seen that same enthusiasm. There are Americans who want to travel to Cuba and American businesses who want to invest in Cuba. American colleges and universities that want to partner with Cuba. Above all, Americans who want to get to know their neighbors to the south. And through that engagement, we can also help the Cuban people improve their own lives. One Cuban American looked forward to "reuniting families and opening lines of communications." Another put it bluntly: "You can't hold the future of Cuba hostage to what happened in the past."

And that's what this is about: a choice between the future and the past.

Americans and Cubans alike are ready to move forward. I believe it's time for Congress to do the same. I've called on Congress to take steps to lift the embargo that prevents Americans from travelling or doing business in Cuba. We've already seen members from both parties begin that work. After all, why should Washington stand in the way of our own people?

Yes, there are those who want to turn back the clock and double down on a policy of isolation. But it's long past time for us to realize that this approach doesn't work. It hasn't worked for 50 years. It shuts America out of Cuba's future, and it only makes life worse for the Cuban people.

So I'd ask Congress to listen to the Cuban people. Listen to the American people. Listen to the words of a proud Cuban American, Carlos Gutierrez, who recently came out against the policy of the past, saying, "I wonder if the Cubans who have to stand in line for the most basic necessities for hours in the hot Havana sun feel that this approach is helpful to them."

Of course, nobody expects Cuba to be transformed overnight. But I believe that American engagement -- through our embassy, our businesses, and most of all, through our people -- is the best way to advance our interests and support for democracy and human rights. Time and again, America has demonstrated that part of our leadership in the world is our capacity to change. It's what inspires the world to reach for something better.

A year ago, it might have seemed impossible that the United States would once again be raising our flag, the stars and stripes, over an embassy in Havana. This is what change looks like.

In January of 1961, the year I was born, when President Eisenhower announced the termination of our relations with Cuba, he said: It is my hope and my conviction that it is "in the not-too-distant future it will be possible for the historic friendship between us once again to find its reflection in normal relations of every sort." Well, it took a while, but I believe that time has come. And a better future lies ahead.

Thank you very much. And I want to thank some of my team who worked diligently to make this happen. They're here. They don't always get acknowledged. We're really proud of them. Good work.

Tuesday, June 30, 2015

Abra-kadabra, open embassies!

WASHINGTON (AP) _ President Barack Obama will announce Wednesday morning that the U.S. and Cuba have finalized an agreement to reopen embassies in each other's capitals, a major step in ending hostilities between the Cold War foes, a senior administration official said.

The U.S. and Cuba have been negotiating the reestablishment of embassies following the historic December announcement that they would move to restore ties after a half-century of animosity.

For Obama, ending the U.S. freeze with Cuba is central to his foreign policy legacy as he nears the end of his presidency. Obama has long touted the value of direct engagement with global foes and has argued that the U.S. embargo on the communist island just 90 miles south of Florida was ineffective.

The official insisted on anonymity because the official was not authorized to speak publicly about the matter ahead of the president.

The White House said Obama will deliver a statement on Cuba from the Rose Garden on Wednesday morning. Secretary of State John Kerry, who is in Vienna for nuclear negotiations with Iran, is also expected to speak about the embassy openings.

Since the late 1970s, the United States and Cuba have operated diplomatic missions called interests sections in each other's capitals. The missions are technically under the protection of Switzerland, and do not enjoy the same status as full embassies.
While the opening of embassies marks a major milestone in the thaw between the U.S. and Cuba, significant issues remain as the countries look to normalize relations. Among them: talks on human rights; demands for compensation for confiscated American properties in Havana and damages to Cuba from the embargo; and possible cooperation on law enforcement, including the touchy topic of U.S. fugitives sheltering in Havana.
Obama also wants Congress to repeal the economic embargo on Cuba, though he faces resistance from Republicans and some Democrats. Those opposed to normalizing relations with Cuba say Obama is prematurely rewarding a regime that engages in serious human rights abuses.

Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., said in a statement that opening a U.S. embassy in Cuba ``will do nothing to help the Cuban people and is just another trivial attempt for President Obama to go legacy shopping.''
Sen. Ben Cardin of Maryland, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said the opening of embassies was part of the administration's ``common sense approach to Cuba.'' However, he called for Cuba to recognize that it is out of step with the international community on human rights.

``Arrests and detentions of dissidents must cease and genuine political pluralism is long overdue,'' Cardin said in a statement.

Obama and Cuban President Raul Castro met in April during a regional summit, marking the first time U.S. and Cuban leaders have met in person since 1958.

Monday, June 29, 2015

Cuban Studies, No. 43: Demographic Challenges for Cuba and its Diaspora


Cuban Studies 43

Edited by Alejandro de la Fuente

ISBN 978-0-8229-4421-8
ISSN 0361-4441
Cloth $45.00

Cuban Studies is the preeminent journal for scholarly
work on Cuba. Each volume includes articles in
English and Spanish and a large book review section.
Beginning with Cuban Studies 34, the publication is
available electronically through Project MUSE®.

Cuban Studies 43 is the first volume of the Cuban 
Studies series produced under a new editorial team
based at Harvard University. The journal was dormant
for several years, a transitional period during which it
depended on guest editors and occasional submissions.
That period is over and we are pleased to report that
Cuban Studies, now one of the longest lasting academic
journals dealing with Cuban topics published anywhere
in the world, has entered a new era.

In addition to papers in history, culture, and politics,
Cuban Studies 43 contains a central dossier on demo-
graphy. This dossier charts some of the important
changes experienced by the Cuban population
—including those living abroad—and some of the
challenges posed by those changes (such as aging,
or the changing composition of the expatriate community).
A paper in the dossier looks carefully at infant mortality
figures and raises poignant questions concerning
methodologies and results.

Sergio Diaz-Briquets
Roberto M. Gonzales
Alejandro Portes and Aaron Puhrmann

Maria del Carmen Barcia
Armando Chaguaceda
Alejandro de la Fuente
Lillian Guerra
Jennifer Lambe
Louis Pérez Jr.
Rafael Rojas
Emily Snyder
María de los Ángeles Torres

For review copy information, please contact:
Maria Sticco, publicist, University of Pittsburgh Press

Alejandro de la Fuente is the Robert Woods Bliss Professor
of Latin American History and Economics and professor of
African and African American studies at Harvard University
and director of the Afro-Latin American Research Institute
in the Hutchins Center for African and African American
Research. He is the author of Havana and the Atlantic in the 
Sixteenth Century and A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and 
Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba, and is the editor of
Queloides: Race and Racism in Cuban Contemporary Art. 


Cuban Studies 44
Edited by Alejandro de la Fuente

ISBN 978-0-8229-4447-8
ISSN 0361-4441
Cloth $45.00

Cuban Studies 44 features a dossier on the Cuban 

economy that covers economic problems and causation 
since 2010 and their possible remedy; tax reform from 
2010 to 2014; the reconfiguration of social and economic 
actors since 2011 and the prospects of a market economy; 
the functioning of state-owned companies within current 
restructuring policies; and changes in Cuba’s trade deficit 
since 2009. Other topics include the consequences of the 
“Special Period” and the de/reconstruction of the “New 
Socialist Man”; public health care policies in the post-Soviet 
era; the Wallace Stevens poem “Academic Discourse at 
Havana”; U.S. General Fitzhugh Lee’s role in Cuban 
independence; José Martí’s death as a myth of the Cuban 
nation-building project; “Operation Pedro Pan” and the 
framing of childhood memories in the Cuban American 
community; and the social and political control of non-
conformists in 1960s Cuba.

Tuesday, June 23, 2015

Assessing #Cuba’s Appetite for ICT Transformation - Nearshore Americas

Gotta get my hands on this report!

Assessing Cuba’s Appetite for ICT Transformation
Exclusive research findings from Nearshore Americas recently presented at TIA’s Network of the Future.
Press Release, June 03, 2015

Nearshore Americas Managing Director Kirk Laughlin unveiled details of a major new Cuba ICT research study during the Telecommunications Industry Association’s ‘Network of the Future’ Conference, June 2-4, in Dallas, Texas.

As one of the least developed telecommunications markets in the world, Cuba is poised to enter into a period of ICT transformation – networking a population that is hungry to utilize the Internet and digital tools as a means to propel long-awaited economic prosperity.

Over the past 20 years, a gap has emerged between the country’s fixed-line telephone network and the level of Internet penetration. For example, the island of 11.2 million inhabitants currently has more than 1.2 million fixed-line telephones, but only 3.4% of Cubans have home Internet access. Despite the fact that Cuba’s state-run telecommunications monopoly began installing a fiber optic backbone across the eastern side of the island before 2003, and a submarine fiber optic cable from Venezuela to Cuba has been active since 2011, a large share of Cuba’s global Internet traffic continues to be transmitted by satellite. Unsurprisingly, the cost of accessing the World Wide Web is high in Cuba, and connection speeds are typically slow.

When Cubans do get online, their experience is fundamentally different than that enjoyed by web users elsewhere. Instead of a global Internet, many Cubans only have access to domestic intranet that allows them to check email, browse a stripped down encyclopedia inspired by Wikipedia, and navigate among a limited number of websites.

In an exclusive survey of more than 300 ICT professionals in Cuba conducted in May by Nearshore Americas, more than 45% of respondents reported accessing the Internet from work at a connection speed of 1Mbit or less; only 5% reported having a legally-authorized ADSL connection at their home. Predictably under these conditions, Internet usage on the island slows to a crawl on nights and weekends.

The Nearshore Americas report specifies why Cuba’s ICT market is poised for rapid modernization. The island possesses a large pool of IT talent, boasting a surprisingly wide range of technology and computing skill sets. Nearshore Americas’ survey results indicate the island has between 35,000-50,000 ICT professionals. Groups of software developers and tech entrepreneurs, many based in Cuba and some living abroad (thanks to looser restrictions on foreign travel enacted in 2013), are already hashing out plans to capitalize on a more open Internet in Cuba. Evidence is mounting that Cuba will become a viable hub for global technology and software export services during the next two to three years.

The effects of the December 2014 announcement to normalize U.S. relations with Cuba—the most significant international development involving Cuba in a generation—are just beginning to be felt. The White House’s plan will ease the sale of computer software and telecommunications equipment to Cuba.

As a result of these trends, pressure is mounting on Cuba’s telecom operator, ETECSA. Until now ETECSA has been a sacred cow of the Ministry of Communications, with a minority stake owned by a Cuban military contractor and banking entity. However, with market reforms underway, mobile subscriptions rising fast, and the end of the U.S. embargo removing a convenient foil, many at the Ministry of Communications recognize that ETECSA needs to expand Internet access and lower costs.

Given the pent-up nature of Cuba’s ICT market—the rare combination of low connectivity existing alongside significant IT talent—the country is poised to modernize faster than many expect.

To learn more about Cuba’s ICT outlook, visit TIA’s 'Network of the Future’ and attend the Cuba policy breakfast meeting on June 4, 2015. In addition, Nearshore Americas’ analysts are available for briefings on the Cuba report – which will be available for purchase in early July at:

Contact: Sean Goforth
Nearshore Americas
+1 (910) 512-7450

Monday, June 15, 2015

The "New Cuba" Conference, Wednesday, June 17, 2015 - High Line, NYC!


On December 17, 2014, The United States and Cuba forever changed as the world witnessed each president speak to their own country on national television announcing a shared desire for restored relations. The symbolic day marked a milestone for Cuba/US relations after half a century of icy relations. What does this mean for our creative communities who have been mostly forbidden to co-create together for 55 years? The first assembly of "The New Cuba" brain trust will be a conference that takes place on June 17, 2015 in New York City at The Standard, High Line.

The future of Cuba is here, and the gathering will discuss how Americans can help create a thoughtful transition under Obama’s new regulations. Panelists will speak on the merits of what this means within their respective industry as well as how to create more cultural exchanges - all within the legal parameters that surround the new landscape.

The intent is to share stories and empower Cuban civil society to maintain its integrity, while educating American businesses on the philosophical and business challenges of working within Cuba’s structure. The goal is to remain forward thinking and altruistic in this new era of reconciliation.

June 17, 2015
9:30 - 5:30 pm
The Standard High Line
High Line Room
848 Washington St, New York

Agenda is here.
Speaker bios here.

This conference is designed for early adopters who would like to be one step ahead of the curve as the United States eases the Trade Embargo with Cuba. Attendees will be decision-makers in the creative field that have the desire to fund and foster Cuba’s creative talent. Attendees also wish to gain a better understanding of the nations cultural climate during this momentous shift in relations. 

Entrepreneurs | Art Collectors | Brand Directors | Company Owners | Gallerists | Curators | Record Labels | Musicians | Music Producers | Event Producers | Film Studios | Film Producers | Filmmakers | Investors | Journalists | Cuban-Philes | Cubanólogos | Cubanistas | Cuentapropistas | & even Comunistas!

(Update) Full Video and Event Summary: Time to invest in Cuba? Brookings Institution June 2, 2015

Follow this link for @AnnaBNewby's quick summary of the June 2 Cuba event at The Brookings Institution. Full video coverage of the four panels follows below.

Panel 1: Trends in the Cuban economy in light of the new U.S.-Cuba context 
Moderator: Ted Piccone
Speakers: Stefan Selig, Undersecretary of Commerce for International Trade, U.S. Department of Commerce; Juan Triana Cordoví, Professor of Economics, University of Havana; and Archibald Ritter, Distinguished Research Professor, Carleton University

Panel 2: Financing Cuba’s growth, development, and trade 
Moderator: Barbara Kotschwar 
Speakers: Yaima Doimeadios, Professor, University of Havana; Richard Feinberg, Brookings; Saira Pons, Professor, Center for the Study of the Cuban Economy, University of Havana; and Germán Ríos, Director, Strategic Affairs, CAF Development Bank

Panel 3: Next steps for Cuba’s emerging private Sector – Cuentapropistas and cooperatives 
Moderator: Richard Feinberg
Speakers: Rafael Betancourt, Havánada Consulting; Ted Henken, Professor, Baruch College; and John McIntire, Chairman, Cuba Emprende Foundation

Panel 4: A New stage in foreign direct investment 
Moderator: Harold Trinkunas 
Speakers: Mark Entwistle, Founding Partner, Acasta Capital; Omar Everleny, Professor, Center for the Study of the Cuban Economy, University of Havana; José María Vinals Camallonga, Partner and Director of International Operations, Lupicinio International Law Firm; and Augusto Maxwell, Partner, Akerman, LLP

Saturday, June 13, 2015

Snap-shot update of "self-employment" in #Cuba from @14ymedio

Check out @14ymedio today for a brief article and this helpful info-graphic of cuentapropismo (aka, "on-your-ownism") in #Cuba:

*504k total
*30% young
*154k women
*17% also work for state
*62k retired

The article also reports the top five occupations in terms of numbers of licenses issued remain:

(1) food service (gastronomía)
(2) transport of passengers and cargo
(3) bed-and-breakfasts (casas particulares)
(4) telecommunications agents, and
(5) contracted workers

My question: Has the percentage of cuentapropistas with a college degree risen from the very low 7% previously reported? An important issue given Cuba's highly educated (but woefully underemployed) workforce.

Friday, June 12, 2015

¿Qué pasa con la prensa cubana?

La más reciente portada de OnCuba, revista fundada hace tres años en Miami.

¿Qué pasa con la prensa cubana?
Carta de La Habana

Por John Dinges* 6/12/2015

Balance y perspectiva de la prensa cubana en tiempos de acercamiento entre EE.UU. y la isla.

¿Qué pasa con la prensa cubana?

Es demasiado fácil empezar—y terminar—esta conversación con que la prensa y los medios son órganos de un sistema unipartidista, propagandistas de la dictadura cubana. Es verdad, pero verdad a medias.

Tell your friends!